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A HISTORY OF 
THE VERNON HOUSE 

IN NEWPORT, R. I. 



BY 
MAUD LYMAN STEVENS 



PUBLISHED BY^ 

THE CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETY 

OF NEWPORT, THE PRESENT OWNERS 

1915 



r29 

NSS2f 



COPYRIGHT 1915 
BY 

MAUD I.YMAN STE:vKN3 



MERCURY Puai.lSHING CO 

PRI N TERS 

NEW PO RT, R. I . 



ycl.A401278 

JUN-7I9I5 



THE VERNON HOUSE 



There stands in the ancient town of Newport, on the 
Island of Rhode Island, a house of unusual historic 
interest. This house has recently been purchased under 
circumstances which ensure its permanent preservation. 
It is therefore now entitled to a review of its past, and it 
has been thought that it would be agreeable and fitting at 
this time, to consider, somewhat in detail, the scenes that 
it has witnessed and the distinguished persons who have 
been entertained within its walls. To such a retrospect, 
this paper is dedicated. 

The State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 
to give it its full title, is the smallest in the Union. It is, 
nevertheless, as its name indicates, made up of two very 
distinct parts. Two capitals, persisting to modern times, 
long reminded us of this dual origin. Providence was 
founded by the Salem minister, Roger Williams; Rhode 
Island by a body of men from Massachusetts Bay who 
differed from the Puritan tenets, and desired liberty of 
conscience. With this in view, they came hither to found 
in the wilderness a state, in which, following the inner 
light, they might also assure to others the freedom which 
they had been denied. 

The first settlement on this island was made in 1638. 
Newport was founded in the following year — May, 1639. 
Of the nine adventurers who were banded together in this 
enterprise, one is of special interest to us, for it is on his 
original grant that the "Vernon House" stands. 



Jeremy Clarke was his name, and the tract of land 
apportioned to him was a choice cne. Extending, it is 
said, from the Parade to Church Street, and from the 
waterside to a line high on the hill, it covered a number 
of acres of most desirable land, high and well drained, as 
well as convenient to the centre of the town. 

Jeremy Clarke's house stood, it is believed, just above 
the line of the present Thames Street. With the green 
plot before it and the water beyond — behind, the orchard 
and fields — it must have been a pleasant place of residence. 
Living and dying here, Jeremy Clarke was buried on his 
own land, in a tomb by the waterside, the site of which is 
long since obliterated. To him succeeded his son, Walter 
Clarke, the Governor, and he it was who divided the land, 
running a street through it from East to West — called 
New Lane or Mary Street, the last name traditionally 
for his wife, Mary. Another street, starting from the 
Parade and bounding Walter Clarke's orchard, was and is 
called Clarke Street. 

At the north-east corner of these two streets, stands the 
old house with which we are concerned. At this point 
we find ourselves among uncertainties. Divided among 
various Clarke heirs, this part of the land passed out of 
the family's hands, though when we do not know. The 
fragmentary condition of the Newport town records makes 
research into early conditions here very difficult. It is 
said that there was an earlier house on this site, as the 
present timbers bear signs of reworking, and the name of 
William Gardner has been mentioned in connection with 
it — a Narragansett man, who died at sea in 1727. The 
first definite fact that emerges, however, is the fundamental 
one that in 1758, this particular bit of land was owned by 
a Newport merchant, by name Metcalf Bowler. Here in 



that year he built his house, and that house is the one 
that still survives, and is known as the Vernon house. 

The lot on which it stood was a generous one, extend- 
ing from Clarke to Spring Streets, a distance of a hundred 
feet, and for a distance of a hundred and thirty-five feet on 
Clarke Street . There was thus ample space for the garden , 
with its usual Newport concomitants of fruit trees, flower 
borders and vegetables ; for the coach house, and, no doubt, 
slave quarters and offices in the rear. 

The house as we see it, probably looks as it did when it 
was built, though of this we cannot, of course, be sure. 
The peculiar "rustication" of the outside is an original 
feature of the Redwood Library, built some ten years 
earlier by the distinguished English architect, Peter 
Harrison. This house also has been ascribed to him, 
though, it seems without sufficient proof, as it lacks the 
classic effect that marks his style, as shown in the Dudley 
and Malbone houses, as well as the Redwood Library and 
town market. 

The style which we call "Colonial" and the English 
"Georgian," was in 1758 practised in all parts of the 
colonies by builders, whose names are unknown to us, 
but whose work remains for the admiration of later genera- 
tions. Worthily did they carry on the traditions of the 
English school, whose panellings, classic details, and fine 
carvings so beautified and transformed domestic interiors, 
during this period. The broad spaces, open vistas and 
general effect of generous proportion, so characteristic of 
the style, seemed peculiarly fitted to the spirit of the times, 
as well as to the medium in which the builders worked. 
The Vernon house is a typical Colonial mansion, and the 
builder, whoever he was, was fully equal to his task, and 
produced a house, comfortable and even distinguished. 



and fitted to the place it was to hold as the home of a 
wealthy and dignified merchant of a prosperous town. 

One of the most attractive features of the old house, the 
wide panelled hall, is probably much as Metcalf Bowler 
saw it. The stairs winding at the back are certainly 
original, and the arched window above, so typical of the 
period, adds a most attractive touch. On the second story 
a like hall runs the length of the house, now however 
altered by the partitioning off of a room at the front. The 
north front room on the ground floor is panelled from floor 
to ceiling. It is not possible to say whether all the interior 
finish is original. The mantel shelves are undoubtedly 
later additions, and have been fitted in high or low as 
circumstances demanded. The south-east room has been 
remodelled, perhaps immediately after the Revolution. 

It is probable that the ceiling beams originally showed — 
they are now covered by a "furring," perhaps to be 
attributed to the same date. The old brown stone steps 
are interesting with their triple approach — the only 
example of this arrangement in Newport. The original 
knocker is still on the door. 

Such then, comfortable, spacious and dignified, was the 
home of Metcalf Bowler. Let us inquire as to him, its 
first proprietor. 

It was in the year 1740, that Charles Bowler, an 
Englishman of substance and position, came to Boston, 
accompanied by his son, Metcalf, then a boy of fourteen. 
Buying land on Beacon Hill, he resided there for a time. 
How his son came to remove to Newport, we do not know. 
Ten years later, in 1750, we find him here, however, and 
marrying, in that year, the daughter of Major and Bath- 
sheba Fairchild — Mistress Ann. Doubtless he had already 
begun that career as a merchant, which was to make him 




THE LOWER HALL, VERNON HOUSE 



one of the wealthy men of his day. In 1753 Charles 
Bowler was appointed Collector of Revenues in Newport 
and followed his son hither, selling most of his property 
in Boston, and purchasing a fine estate of seventy acres on 
the island of Rhode Island. Here he resided until his 
death in 1768, laying out, it may be, the remarkable 
gardens, which, in his son's time, were so well known. 

Metcalf Bowler was thus established, from his earliest 
manhood, in Newport. These were the days of the town's 
great and growing prosperity. An important commercial 
port, it had an extensive trade with the West Indies, 
Europe and Africa. Numerous as its wharves were, they 
were continually crowded with vessels, the warehouses 
which lined them were filled to overflowing, and the streets 
were thronged with sailors. Merchant-men and whalers 
discharged their cargoes and refitted, ship buildhig went 
on in the cove, ropewalks spun the needed cordage, while 
the raw material brought in was worked up in spermaceti 
refineries and distilleries. Sugar and molasses were the 
staples; logwood from Honduras, silks and wines from 
France, and slaves from Africa were landed on Newport 
wharves. The slaves brought here were mostly destined 
for domestic service, as the so-called triangular course of 
the vessels engaged in the trade — to Africa, the West 
Indies, and then Newport — drafted off most of these unfor- 
tunates to the sugar plantations. There was not at this 
time the moral objection to the traffic that was felt later, 
and it is certain that many a Newport fortune was built 
on this as well as on more respectable foundations. 

Newport, then, was a busy port. The opportunities 
offered here attracted merchants from all parts of the world. 
There were Huguenots from the Carolinas, Scots who had 
espoused Prince Charlie's cause, natives of Antigua, Ire- 



land and Germany, as well as Jews from Portugal and the 
West Indies — perhaps the most enterprising and successful 
of all. As the town grew in wealth, elegant residences 
were built, some of which remain to our day, to show the 
taste and resources of the old Newport merchants. 
Thames Street in its full length, the Parade and the Point 
were the favorite residence sections. Built of wood, with 
gambrel or truss roofs, and often elaborate doorways, the 
old houses were fine and stately homes, with their true 
proportions, beautiful panelling and careful and loving 
treatment of detail. Within were all the luxuries the 
times afforded — choice china and glass, Turkey carpets, 
claw-footed mahogany, and Dutch mirrors shining from 
the dim interiors, not then, as now, universally glorified 
with white paint. Some panellings were of red cedar, 
some floor boards, it is said, of mahogany. In the huge 
old fireplaces blazed great fires of logs; foreign wines and 
West Indian dainties graced the board, while a retinue of 
black servants rendered faithful service. Such were the 
luxuries of a man of wealth in Newport in the middle of 
the eighteenth century, and doubtless the wealthy ship 
owner deemed that his lines had fallen to him in pleasant 
places, as from his western windows he looked ouL over the 
blue bay, where his stately vessels would presently come 
sailing in, bringing him rich cargoes. 

So Metcalf Bowler lived. We cannot doubt that he 
found his home a pleasant one, in its retired yet convenient 
location. It is recorded that he practised an ample hos- 
pitality, and that his style of living was luxurious. He 
had eleven children, at least one of whom was sent to 
school in Boston. We owe our knowledge of this to the 
fact that poor young Penelope died there of the small pox, 
such a scourge in the eighteenth century. Metcalf Bowler, 




UPPER HALL AND STAIRCASE WINDOW, VERNON HOUSE 



9 

as a good churchman, was church warden of Trinity. 
Portraits of him and his wife were painted by Copley, and, 
it is said, are still in the possession of descendants. A 
copy of Mrs. Bowler's picture, published in the "Bowler 
Genealogy," shows her to have been a most attractive 
woman. Her hair is smoothly drawn back, while her lace 
cap and the jewels at her throat set off her charm, and the 
rich satin dress, with falling ruffles of lace, is such as 
befits a lady of her position. She must have made a fine 
appearance as she took the air in the family coach — for 
Metcalf Bowler owned a coach. There was only one other 
at this time in Newport, the property of Abraham Red- 
wood, principal benefactor of the Redwood Library, 

Beside the luxury and busy industry of the time, there 
was, however, another side to the picture. The eigh- 
teenth century was a time of wide-spread unrest. War 
succeeded war, wherein the good Newport merchants, 
though reaping profit through their priv^ateers, yet ran 
great risk of losing their peaceful trading vessels. It was 
said in 1759 that Newport had lost in the course of trade 
since the beginning of the Seven Years' War, then in 
progress, upwards of two millions of money. Metcalf 
Bowler suffered with others, though, like them, his priva- 
teers had brought him in rich prizes. It must have been 
an exciting time when you never knew whether you would 
be enriched with "pieces of eight" and ivory, or silks or 
indigo, brought in by your tall cruisers, or whether a long 
expected merchant- man would at last be proved a total 
loss — ship, cargo and all. Newport lost in this way more 
than a hundred vessels, and it may be questioned whether 
the colony's sixty privateers went far to make up the great 
drain on private resources. 

A still more serious trouble was in store for Newport — 



10 

portents of Revolution, in fact, in the ever growing 
irritation and annoyance felt in the relations with the 
Mother Country. The chief trade of the town, as has been 
said, was with the West Indies. As early as 1733, 
England had passed what was known as the "Sugar and 
Molasses Act." This act, passed in the interests of the 
English islands of the West Indies, imposed a practically 
prohibitive duty on imports from the French and Spanish 
colonies. This was ruinous to the interests of a town, 
founded, as Newport was, on free trade. 

For long, the enforcement of the act was not strict in 
these remote parts of the world. By 1763, however, it 
was renewed, and its carrying out attempted, in a manner 
felt to be intolerable by other New England ports, as well 
as Newport. The measure, as such, was stigmatized as 
an infringement of the liberty of the subject. The actual 
enforcement of it here, involving the presence of an armed 
vessel, to prevent the landing of untaxed goods, was con- 
sidered most offensive. 

The hot bloods of the town involved themselves in 
skirmishes with King's men, or as our loyal Rhode 
Islanders termed them, "ministerial tools;" the more far- 
seeing and discreet sought redress in a more regular way. 
Metcalf Bowler, as one of the latter class, was selected to 
represent the colony and attend, as commissioner, the 
convention of the several states, called at New York in 
October, 1765. This convention met to consider the 
grievances of the colonies, especially in regard to taxation. 
Henry Ward, Secretary of the Assembly, was the other 
delegate. The two gentlemen journeyed together, Met- 
calf Bowler in his coach. Ward on horseback. The 
gravity of their mission is indicated by the charge given 
them by the General Assembly of the colony : " To you. 



11 

gentlemen, this Assembly have committed concerns of the 
last consequence to themselves, to their constituents, and 
to posterity, and we hope that the just sense you entertain 
of the importance of the trust we have placed in you, will 
induce you to exert all your capacities to discharge it in 
such a manner as to do honor to yourselves and service to 
the colony." The duties of the commission were duly 
performed. A loyal and dutiful address to his Majesty, 
King George, was drawn up, and declarations of opinion 
respecting the rights and liberties of the colonists were 
added to it. These were forwarded to Great Britain, and 
may have had a share in the repeal of the hated Stamp 
Act in the following March. The commissioners were 
thanked for their services and styled "faithful and 
judicious." 

The Stamp Act was repealed March i8th, 1766. On 
the anniversary of that repeal, March iSth, 1767, there 
was great rejoicing in Newport. Salvoes were fired, 
thirteen lanterns for the thirteen colonies were hung on 
the Liberty Tree at the head of Thames Street, and in the 
evening, " Hon. Metcalf Bowler gave an elegant enter- 
tainment to a number of gentlemen, true friends of 
Liberty," thus again proving himself of the number of 
those who were heart and soul for American freedom. 
This was the more praiseworthy in Metcalf Bowler, that 
many men, born, like him, in England, chose rather to 
espouse the cause of the King as against the rebel colonies. 
Newport had perhaps an unusual number of these 
"Tories," as they were called; salaried officials or simply 
merchants, who consistently worked against the cause so 
dear to all true patriots, choosing rather to throw in their 
lot with the constituted authority. 

In the following year Metcalf Bowler was made one of 



12 

a committee to prepare an address to King George, wliicli, 
setting forth the colonies' grievances, requests the royal 
interposition in behalf of violated rights, for — "Your 
Majesty (is; ever mindful of the welfare and happiness of 
all your subjects, however remote." Thus loyal to the 
King was Rhode Island in 1768, ascribing all its troubles 
to his false advisers and ministers. In this year, Charles 
Bowler died and Metcalf Bowler, as eldest son, inherited, 
by English law, his father's property. The country place 
now came into his hands. 

This estate, situated just north of Vaucluse, on the east 
shore of the island, was famous in its day. The house is 
still standing, though now in an advanced state of decay, 
and shows a fine doorway, suggesting the work of 
Munday, the builder of the Colony house. The front of 
the house consisted of one large room, with the door 
opening directly into it, making a banqueting hall of 
generous proportions, a unique arrangement for Rhode 
Island. 

Traces still remain of stone barns, sheds and greenhouse 
wall, and the offices of the place were evidently on a large 
scale. The pleasure gardens, said to have covered eleven 
acres, have vanished, save for a few hardy flowers run 
wild. Their fame has come down to us, however, as the 
most splendid and best cultivated on the island. The 
formal planting was considered remarkable, with its 
fountains and fish pools. It is a pity that nothing 
remains to us of all this elaborate garden, not even the 
box, which at Vaucluse has grown to so remarkable a 
size, or the cedars, as at Malbone's gardens. The green- 
houses were considered very fine, and here it was, says 
that amusing chronicler of the olden time, Thomas R. 
Hazard, that the first Rhode Island greening originated. 



13 

Growing in a porcelain tub, presented by a Persian prince, 
it was brought borne by one of Metcalf Bowler's captains 
from the site of ancient Eden, — surely a princely gift to 
the good people of Newport ! 

A perhaps better authenticated fact of this fine country 
place is that the gate posts were graced, English fashion, 
by a couple of heraldic eagles, gilded. Charles Bowler's 
coat-of-arms, still extant, shows an eagle as its crest. 
These eagles, carved in wood, met with various vicissi- 
tudes, after Metcalf Bowler's time, one of them serving as 
sign to the Eagle Tavern, later the United States Hotel. 
They finally came to rest at the second story level of two 
Thames Street business houses, one of them Mr. Ham- 
mett's old bookstore, later Mr. Hart's. Children used to 
be told that these two old eagles came down at twelve 
o'clock to get their dinners and, I suppose, could never 
disprove it, owing to the fact that they, too, were dining 
at that hour. 

This estate, so finely laid out and cultivated, was 
considered one of the sights of the Island, and strangers 
were taken to see it. Dr. Stiles, the Congregational 
minister and diarist, tells of riding out to visit it in 1770. 
Unfortunately he gives no account of it, reporting, 
instead, a metaphysical argument with a brother divine on 
the way there and back. 

In the same year, 1768, Metcalf Bowler, now for the 
first time returned as deputy from Portsmouth instead of, 
as in the past four years, Newport, was made speaker of 
the General Assembly, an honor which he was to retain 
for nineteen years. Whether he, from this time, resided 
at his country place or not, he retained his town house 
for five years more, disposing of it finally in 1773. 

His political activities still continued. In 1774, he read 



14 

at the great meeting at Fanueil Hall, in Boston, Rhode 
Island's circular letter, inviting a "firm and close union" 
between the colonies. The times of trouble now drawing 
near, he was made a member of the ' ' Committee of Safety ' ' 
and appointed one of those commissioned to procure arms 
for the defense of the colony. In 1776 he was made Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court. 

The third year of the Revolution saw Metcalf Bowler 
removed to Providence, where he passed the remainder of 
his life, though he still retained his country place until 
1786. He appears to have been much reduced in fortune 
at the close of the great National struggle, the times hav- 
ing ruined him, as they did many another man. Highly 
respected in his new home, church warden of St. John's, 
he died in 1789, no longer the wealthy merchant, but 
untroubled by his changed fortunes, and honored by all 
his associates. His connection with the old house carries 
with it only worth}^ and dignified memories. 

As has been said, Metcalf Bowler's connection with the 
house terminated in 1773. In this year he sold it to 
another Newport merchant and ship owner, William 
Vernon. It thus became the "Vernon House," a name it 
seems likely always to retain. As the story of Metcalf 
Bowler is largely bound up with the commercial prosperity 
of the town, so William Vernon stands for us as a type of 
those self-sacrificing patriots, whose lot it was to aid the 
course of the young republic, in the time of sore stress 
now close at hand. 

The old house is now to pass through strange scenes — 
war and famine are to harass Newport town, and the tread 
of an invader to be heard in her streets. 

The Vernons were of old Rhode Island stock. The 
first of the family, Daniel Vernon, came to Newport from 




CORNER CUPBOAKU L\ THE UIMNG-ROOM, VERNON HOUSE 

Vernon Chairs, Table and Silver. 

On th^ Floor, Continental Currency found in the Vernon House 



15 

England in 1666. Though he spent most of his life in 
Narragansett, from his time those who bore the name 
were closely identified with Newport. In 1773, the 
Vernons to be found here were typical men of their day, in 
position, wealth and enterprise. The representatives of 
the family at this time were three brothers, Samuel, 
Thomas and William — all men of mark. 

Thomas Vernon, the second brother, was royal post- 
master in Newport, a position he had held for almost 
thirty years. He was also senior warden of Trinity 
Church, and Secretary of the Redwood Library. His 
house stood on the west side of Division Street. Unfortu- 
nately for him, he espoused the cause of the King, when 
the breach came, and became a most unpopular man, 
being- sent away in 1776 into an unpleasant sort of exile 
among the towns of the upper part of the state. Party 
feeling ran high in those days, and Whigs and Tories 
were well-nigh at one another's throats in Newport. 

The other two brothers, unlike Thomas, were ardent 
supporters of the cause of liberty. These two constituted 
together the famous firm of S. and W. Vernon, merchants 
and ship owners, whose ventures were sent out far and 
wide, to Europe, the West Indies and Africa. Samuel, 
the oldest, lived in the house just west of the Thayer 
School on Church Street, later called the Olyphant house, 
a fine and substantial mansion. William Vernon, the 
youngest, is of special interest to us, for he it was who 
purchased the house in which we are interested. Born in 
17 19 he was fifty-four years of age at this time. His wife, 
Judith Harwood, was, curiously enough, a direct descend- 
ant of Jeremy Clarke. She, however, had died more than 
ten years earlier. An older sister. Mistress Esther Vernon, 
presided over the establishment, and two boys, Samuel 



16 



and William, sixteen and fourteen years of age, completed 
the family. The contrast must have been marked in the 
life of the old house. In Metcalf Bowler's day, the crowd 
of children, with the sweet matron at their head ; now, 
the elderly spinster, and the well-grown boys, doubtless 
serious with the premature manliness of the day. One 
can imagine them saluting their honored father as they 
met at the morning meal in the sunny, pleasant dining 
room. 

We do not know where William Vernon had lived 
previous to his purchase of the Vernon House. It may 
well be that he had long admired his brother merchant's 
fine house, and when the opportunity came, despite the 
doubtful times, thought it worth his while to secure so 
comfortable and dignified a home. He paid two thousand 
pounds, old tenor, for house, garden and appurtenances. 

Here, then, did William Vernon set up his household 
gods, furnishing the finely proportioned square rooms with 
the elegant mahogany furniture of the period with its 
carving and claw feet. The heavy, handsome old chairs, 
highboys, gilt mirrors and other fine pieces are still 
recalled as forming part of the old-time aspect of the house. 
A sedan chair is still preserved, which was probably a part 
of William Vernon's plenishing, though it may have been 
brought from France by his son twenty years later. It is 
the only one we know of in Newport, and is quite likely 
to have been used by the worthy merchant himself, as 
men were not infrequently carried in these convenient 
small affairs. Black and shiny without, lined with cream 
colored broadcloth within, it recalls to us Colonial days, 
ball, revel and assembly, as well as the muddy streets of 
olden times, and fine clothes which needed protection. 
We are fortunate in the possession of this interesting old 




OLD SEDAN CHAIR BELONGING TO THE 
VERNON FAMILY 



17 

relic, which is now to be preserved in the Vernon house, 
having been presented by Mrs. Hodson, the daughter of 
Mr. Read, a later owner. 

To return to the house — we know that there were paper 
hangings on the walls and that the hearths were of marble. 
Carpets "even on the stairs" were common articles of 
luxury soon after this time, and may have graced the 
Vernon house. Handsome and plentiful silver decked the 
sideboard, and tall silver candlesticks lighted the domestic 
interior, while slaves, both men and women, waited on 
Master, Mistress and the two young gentlemen. A portion 
of William Vernon's fine service of Crown Derby is still 
preserved, and is in the possession of his descendants. 

It seems a pity that William Vernon was not left longer 
in peaceful possession of his new home. The war clouds, 
however, were already gathering over New England, and 
Newport, sensitive as a commercial port must be, felt the 
growing tension of the relations between the colonies and 
the old country. That daring act, the scuttling of the 
sloop Liberty, had already taken place in Newport harbor, 
and the commissioners on the affair of the " Gaspee " 
schooner were even now sitting in Newport, charged with 
the duty of ferretting out the perpetrators of that bold deed 
of destruction. If found, they were to be indicted for high 
treason, a consummation, however, never attained; as, 
though doubtless everyone in Providence knew them, 
reliable evidence was impossible to secure. The worthy 
chief justices of the commission were therefore compelled 
reluctantly to return to their homes, vowing that this 
people " would require a gentleman of very extraordinary 
qualifications to model them into due subordination and 
decorum." 

F'ollowing, came a more serious menace — the "Rose" 



18 



frigate — Captain Wallace, Commander — to enforce with 
severity the revenue laws, and to harass, as far as might 
be, these rebels, who had so far forgotten their duty to his 
most gracious majesty, King George the Third. This 
was in 1774. The task assigned him seems to have been 
a congenial one to the harsh captain. His high handed 
proceedings, we cannot doubt, caused a helpless wrath at 
Newport, which fanned the flame of disaffection to white 
heat. The firm of S. and W. Vernon was among those 
who suffered from Wallace's methods. Their Jamaica 
brig, the "Royal Charlotte," seized in JNewport harbor, 
was taken to Boston, and there confiscated with her cargo. 
It is probable that the Veruons, as conspicuous friends of 
Liberty, were singled out for persecution, by way of dis- 
couraging others of their way of thinking. 

Times must have looked dark indeed to the merchants 
of Newport. An ail-but declared enemy was at their door, 
their commerce cut off, their ships, returning unawares, 
captured. With the news of Lexington and Concord, a 
break with the mother country was seen to be inevitable. 
Newport firms were urged by their correspondents to get 
their vessels out of New England with all speed. It was 
felt by all merchants here that not only was their business 
at an end, but — when hostilities should break out — that 
Newport was a most probable objective point for "minis- 
terial" vessels. As a matter of fact, the "Rose" frigate 
had by June, 1775, been joined by a number of other 
vessels, making a fleet of twelve, great and small. Twice 
did Wallace threaten to bombard the town, unless provided 
with "beef and beer." The second time, the danger 
seemed so pressing that the streets were crowded with carts 
and chaises, filled with people making the best of their 
way away from the point of danger. 



19 

Prudeut Newport heads of families had ere this made up 
their minds that the ' ' once happy town ' ' was now no 
place for them. B)- October, it was calculated that three- 
fourths of the inhabitants had departed. Houses were 
left with only one or two to care for them, shops were 
closed ; the Tories, of course, had no objection to remain- 
ing, as things were going very much to their mind; others 
took steps to remove their families, and, so far as might 
be, their valuables, to places of greater safety, 

William Vernon, however, for the time, remained in 
Newport. In the midst of the ' ' consternation and distress" 
prevailing, he afforded what aid he could, assisting in 
October in the removal of the poor of the town from this 
most exposed position to other places. 

Early in 1776, Newport patriots were much cheered by 
the departure of Wallace's fleet. They immediately set 
about constructing defenses and securing cannon for the 
protection of the town. All allegiance to Great Britain 
was thrown off by the State in May. On the eighteenth 
of July, the Declaration of Independence was read at the 
State House, while thirteen guns were fired at Fort 
Liberty — no longer Fort George, and our Colonial brigade, 
drawn up on the Parade, fired thirteen salvoes of musketry. 
This exultation, however, was short-lived. By Novem- 
ber, most of the cannon had been removed to protect the 
upper reaches of the bay, so pressing seemed the danger of 
invasion, and it was seen to be impossible, should the 
enemy elect to go into winter quarters in Newport, to 
prevent such action. 

William Vernon now felt that he could remain no longer. 
His son, William, was at Princeton, pursuing his studies, 
so there were only his sister and eldest son, Samuel, to be 
considered. Aunt Esther possibly had Tory proclivities— 



20 



or, it may be, simply disliked leaving her home — in any 
case she obstinately refused to go. It was arranged that 
Samuel should remain to watch over the Vernon property 
and affairs. The silver was buried, but the household 
furniture in great part, left in position. William Vernon 
himself only awaited the actual arrival of the British fleet 
to depart. 

On the 7th of December they were descried — 81 sail, 
under Sir Peter Parker, 11 men-of-war, and 70 transports. 
It was now incumbent on a prominent patriot like Vernon 
to be gone. All possibility of serving his country while 
remaining in Newport was at an end. Accordingly on 
the morning of the 8th, he, with many others, departed, 
leaving the town and island. On the same day he wrote 
back to his son from Swansea, on his way to Rehoboth, 
where "Sister Sanford " was now settled, addressing 
him as — 

" Dear Sammy: — 

" I am full of anxiety for you and your Aunt, yet 
I am full of hope that no real ill will happen to an\body 
at Newport. I mean as to bodily injury. Yet to be 
amongst enemies is disagreeable and such a feeling that I 
should not choose, and should be glad and rejoice if every 
part of my family was with me." " I hope and pray a 
kind Providence will protect us and direct you in whatever 
design you propose, not doubting you will conduct with 
caution and prudence. Don't, my dear son, be intimidated 
or hurried into any mad and hasty measure. Endeavor to 
comfort your Aunt, whose obstinacy prevented her from 
going up to Sister Sanford 's. Adieu, my son." 

Writing to his son William on the occasion, he tells 
him that he brought off with him the three negroes, 
Barre, Accran and Ceasar, leaving behind Cadys, Belinda 
and her child ; and that Aunt Esther, whom "I could 



21 

not prevail with to leave Newport," had (perhaps with 
some qualms now that the English were really arrived), 
removed herself and the negroes to " your Uncle Tom's." 
Thomas Vernon, now returned from his unwilling exile as 
a Tory, was no doubt happy to receive his sister in his 
Division Street house, and to afford her any protection she 
might require. 

William Ellery, the Signer, a particular friend of 
William Vernon's, writes to him soon after, "I wonder 
that you should hesitate about my approbation of your 
flight. It would have been worse than death to you to 
have been exposed to the insolence of the Tories. They 
would have triumphed * * * at your captivity." 

The much -dreaded enemy, who now invaded Newport 
under the royal standard of King George, consisted of 
forces, divided nearly equally into English and Hessians, 
6500 troops in all. Sir Henry Clinton was in command. 
Most of them landed somewhat higher on the island, but 
ere William Vernon had been gone many hours, boat loads 
of soldiers were disembarking at Long Wharf, and the 
gleam of the red coats was seen on the Parade — O, sad day 
for Newport ! The Tories were in their glory, welcoming 
those whom they considered friends, and pointing out the 
houses of prominent patriots. We cannot doubt that 
William Vernon's house was one of these ; but it is prob- 
able that Brother Thomas would keep watch over the 
property, as well as over the person of his young nephew, 
as he seems to have been on affectionate terms with 
William, in spite of their differences of opinion. The 
Vernon counting house, it is known, was ransacked and 
all the papers tumbled out, but this may very probably 
have occurred later. 

It was now a question of securing quarters for the troops. 



22 



The officers were bestowed in the most comfortable 
loyalists' houses, the soldiers quartered in those, often 
vacant, belonging; to friends of Liberty. What a change 
for the staid old town! So large a body of men must have 
been diflficult to place at such short notice, and the King's 
uniform and Hessian green coat, now thronging the streets, 
doubtless meant discomfort and misery for many a humble 
citizen. 

It would seem that Samuel Vernon did not remain long 
in Newport. In April, one of the Rehoboth family speaks 
of "Cousin Sam" as with them. He adds "We hear 
that Aunt Esther is heartily tired of that once pleasant 
and agreeable place: (Newport). We don't learn any- 
thing particular about your house or servants. About a 
hundred and fifty buildings have been pulled down, we 
hear, for fuel." 

Newport had, indeed, ceased to be an agreeable place of 
residence. War times necessarily wrought havoc with its 
even, comfortable way of life. Churches were turned into 
riding schools, the Court House to a hospital, trees were 
destroyed for fire wood, the cheaper class of buildings torn 
down for the same purpose. The guttural speech of the 
Auspachers was heard on every hand ; the swagger of the 
British red-coat proclaimed that he felt at home in this old 
town, his by right of war. No longer did the aristocratic, 
luxurious merchant pace on his homeward way, but groups 
of careless soldiers swung down the hill streets, horses 
clattered over the stones and the most exclusive portals 
received, perforce, guests, arrogant, and little disposed to 
courtesy. 

The town was destined to endure three years of foreign 
occupation. It is wonderful that more harm was not done 
in the closely built part of the town. Earl Percy, who 



23 

commanded at first for six months, was a kindly man, and 
would discourage vandalism. It is said that, on finding 
that books were being stolen from the Redwood Library, 
he stationed a soldier at the door, to prevent such despol- 
iation. His successor, the hated Prescott, held sway for 
over two years. Of an overbearing and bullying nature, 
disliked even by his own people, he earned for himself an 
unenviable reputation. The Quakers doffed the hat to no 
man, and this failure to do him honor particularly enraged 
the General. His only recourse, when so ignored, was to 
knock the offending broad brim off with his cane. The 
streets became less safe after nightfall during his rule and 
the Hessians were allowed more license. When General 
Prescott was captured by " bold Barton," the town went 
wild with joy. Crape was affixed to Loyalist doors, 
occasioning much sly mirth, and saucy boys walked about 
with handkerchiefs in their hands, pretending to weep 
when any Tory appeared, as overcome with grief for this 
sad visitation. 

The Loyalists, as was natural, found a measure of 
dubious joy in the presence of the alien. Young people 
danced, though their country was in such sore distress, 
and the Tory belles made a deep impression on the younger 
set among the English officers. And so, perhaps echoing 
for the last time the toasts of Englishmen to King George, 
certainly looking out on a coming and going of private 
and officer, red coat and sabre and bearskin cap, the old 
house wore out the three years of war. 

Meanwhile, how fared William Vernon? Very busy 
was he with activities, designed to make uncomfortable 
the town's uninvited guests, as well as other Britons 
engaged in the war. Before his departure from Newport, 
he had been sounded by William Ellery, then newly a 



24 



member of the Marine Committee of Congress, as to his 
willingness to form part of a Navy Board for the Eastern 
Department. The Marine Committee sorely felt their lack 
of maritime knowledge and experience, and William 
Vernon, as a practical man, and large ship owner, was 
peculiarly fit for so important a position. In May, 1777, 
such a board was created, with three members, James 
Warren, of Massachusetts, John Deshon, of Connecticut, 
and William Vernon, of Rhode Island. William Vernon 
was from the first, and as long as the Navy Board lasted, 
its president. 

The duties before the newly-formed board were numerous 
and pressing. The need of a really eflScient navy was 
extreme. The ever-menacing British ships presented a 
most serious obstacle to success in arms along our extended 
seaboard. There were a few vessels already in the pos- 
session of the United Colonies, and the thirteen frigates 
authorized by Congress were building. The various 
colonies also were maintaining small navies of their own, 
these of course not being under the jurisdiction of the 
Federal authority. Commodore Esek Hopkins was still 
in command of the fleet. Privateers supplemented the 
Continental and State service, and incidentally by their 
superior attractions made the manning of the more regular 
vessels most difficult. Opposed to these were more than 
a hundred British vessels, many of them superior to any- 
thing the Americans could show. 

The instructions given to the Navy Board , or " Board 
of Assistants to the Marine Committee " were dated July 10, 
1777. Its members are to superintend all naval and 
marine affairs in the four Eastern States, to regulate the 
building and fitting out of ships for the United Colonies, 
to collect and provide material and stores for the same, and 



25 

to keep a register of all such vessels, with their officers 
and men — surely arduous duties for three men to perform, 
even practical and experienced ones. 

William Vernon now removed to Boston, where, from 
this time, he gave his valuable services to the nation until 
the abolition of the Navy Board in 1781, little more than 
a year prior to the signing of provisional articles of peace. 
During these four years, his knowledge of marine affairs, 
ability and devotion to the cause were of great value. 
Laboring under great discouragements, suffering from a 
shortage of money, delays of all kinds, disappointments in 
the manning of vessels, inability to get the ships to sea 
owing to the blockading British and many other diffi- 
culties, the Navy Board had a most trying post to fill. 
Courts- martial, too, were a part of their duty, of officers 
whose ships had been lost to the powerful foe. The 
services of this board have hardly been appreciated as they 
deserve, and William Vernon's principal claim to the 
gratitude of posterity undoubtedly rests on his skilful 
management of the naval affairs which came under his 
control. Amid many reverses, our small Navy accom- 
plished a sui prising amount, and it has been well said, 
" The Revolution must have failed but for its sailors." 
Harassing the enemy, holding open communication with 
France, bringing in invaluable contributions of stores and 
munitions of war captured from time to time, the ships 
which William Vernon superintended gave a good account 
of themselves and while, one by one, they fell a melancholy 
prey to a vastly superior enemy, yet they played their part, 
and an itnportant one, in the great struggle for American 
independence. Beside giving his services, William Ver- 
non, it is said, advanced large sums to the government 
in its time of need, which were only in part repaid. His 



26 

losses in the way of trade were also considerable, yet seem 
not to have distressed him. In a letter to a friend he says 
" Mammon is no idol of mine. If we establish our rights 
and liberties upon a firm and lasting basis, in the winding 
up of this bloody contest, I am content ; although I own 
if I could come at the property our enemies are possessed 
of belonging to me, it would increase the pleasure. I do 
assure you it is no less a sum than twelve thousand 
pounds sterling, at least, beside my real estate in Newport, 
yet 1 can with truth say, it never broke my rest a 
moment." 

Samuel Vernon 2nd seems to have joined his father in 
Boston, and engaged in business there. Quite different 
and more romantic was the career of his younger brother. 
He had been sent to Princeton to complete his studies, 
where in 1776 at a "somewhat hurried commencement," 
he was graduated and delivered an oration on "Standing 
Armies." It was planned that he pursue some post- 
graduate studies, but imminent danger of attack from the 
British led to his "precipitate flight" from Princeton in 
December, 1776, his father not knowing of his whereabouts 
for six months. Mr. Ellery, always interested in his 
friend's affairs, says, under date of February, 1777: " I 
lament that^your son hath been drove from his studies, for 
he is an agreeable, promising youth and bids fair to be 
serviceable to mankind." Early in the following year 
William Vernon determined to send young William abroad, 
as he says, "with a view to accomplish him for business, 
either as a merchant or in any other way that he might be 
most useful in future to his country and our rising inde- 
pendent states." 

The honorable John Adams had at this time been ap- 
pointed^Commissioner to France and Mr. Vernon resolved 



27 

to intrust his son to his care. "As he is young, just out 
of the University, his genius and talents not formed or 
scarcely known, I left it with Mr. Adams to fix him for 
three or four years in a situation most agreeable and best 
adapted to his disposition and abilities." 

John Adams was sailing on the " Boston " frigate, with 
his son, John Quincy Adams, then eleven years of age, 
and accordingly on his departure, February 15th, 1778, 
young William Vernon set out on his travels. William 
Ellery writes on the occasion, "The Boston hath onboard 
a pretious cargo. May she carry it safe to France." The 
voyage was tempestuous, the frigate was chased by the 
enemy and " the captain of the mainmast was struck with 
the lightning," yet in spite of all, the Boston arrived 
safely in Bordeaux, April ist, a short journey for those 
days. Here Mr. Adams established his young charge, 
and left him in a position to acquire the French language 
and the rudiments of business, with a merchant of that 
town. Frequent reports came to Mr. Vernon of his son's 
diligence and hopeful parts. 

In March, 1778, the small pox was raging in Boston, 
and as William Vernon had never had the disease, he 
removed to Providence and directed the motions of the 
Navy Board from that point. In October the sickness 
slackened sufficiently to allow him to return, much to the 
satisfaction of his associates. Soon after this, Samuel, 
his son, returned to Newport, perhaps to watch over the 
property there ; and probably from this time was much 
back and forth. While in Newport he must have shared 
in the hopes and fears of his townsmen there, in the times 
of scarcity and the rigors of the great " Hessian Storm." 

The time of investment was now drawing to a close. 
Change of campaign by the British commanders led to a 



28 



decision to evacuate Newport. That which the combined 
French and Americans had not been able to effect, was 
now to come to pass. On the nth of October, 1779, the 
orders were issued ; on the 12th, the transport arrived, 
and on the 25th, the exodus actually took place. All 
royalists, who desired to do so, were allowed to accompany 
the fleet, taking with them their effects. It is said that 56, 
with their families, availed themselves of the permission. 
Among them was the Tory sheriff, Walter Chaloner, to 
whom we owe a grudge, for he it was who carried off our 
records. These, suffering shipwreck on the way, were 
seriously injured and in part lost. 

What a day was that for the town that saw the invaders 
depart ! All day long the troops marched through the 
streets, embarking at Brenton's Point, near what is now 
Fort Adams, in small boats. Orders had been given that 
all the inhabitants were to remain within doors. " New- 
port looked as if everybody was dead," we are told. "The 
doors and windows were shut, not a soul to be seen, and 
this was done to guard against desertion." At ten o'clock 
at night, the fleet, one hundred and ten sail, convoyed by 
three men-of-war, sailed out of the harbor. 

Newport had now before her the task of rehabilitation, 
and long and slow it proved. With her commerce de- 
stroyed, her merchants established elsewhere, more than 
five hundred houses destroyed and an estimated damage of 
^124,000, it may easily be imagined that the once pros- 
perous town found itself in an exhausted and prostrate 
condition. Most of the wealthy Tory families were gone, 
the enterprising Hebrew merchants as well, and other 
towns profited by what Newport lost. 

With the new year, however, came hopes of a pleasanter 
chapter in the old town's fortunes. America's steady 



29 

friend, Lafayette, had secured from the King of France 
the promise of an expeditionary corps, and in May it was 
rumored that the French allies were to be stationed at 
Newport. This rumor was confirmed, and on July nth, 
1780, the fleet arrived. This fleet was direct from Brest, 
and consisted of twelve men-of-war and thirty-two trans- 
ports, carrying a force of over 5000 men. The Admiral 
was "His Excellency, Monsieur le Chevalier deTernay," 
and the Commander-in-Chief, "His Excellency, Monsieur 
le Comte de Rochambeau" — Jean-Baptiste-Donatien de 
Vimeur, Count de Rochambeau, to give him his full 
name. 

At noon the French general landed, and we may suppose 
that preparations were at once begun for receiving the 
officers and men of the allied forces. The allies were 
most welcome, for what they brought and for what they 
promised, yet Rochambeau tells us that nobody appeared 
in the streets and those who looked from the windows 
seemed sad and depressed. He spoke to the principal 
inhabitants and told them that mere forces were to follow, 
and that the Kmg of France was prepared to support them 
with all his power. Perhaps poor, war-worn Newport 
found it hard to believe that any good thing could come to 
her, and that these were friends, able, and willing to help. 
Once convinced, however, the townsmen felt that some- 
thing must be done to signalize so auspicious an occasion, 
and, accordingly, the town council met at once and voted 
an illumination for the following night, to celebrate the 
arrival of "the fleet and army of his most Christian 
Majesty, the illustrious ally of the States, now within the 
harbor and town of Newport." An illumination in those 
days consisted of lighted houses, and therefore it was voted 
that a box of candles should be provided, for the benefit 



30 

of those who could not afford to buy them for themselves. 
The resolution of the Town Council was forthwith pub- 
lished by beat of drum. 

Meanwhile General Heath was hastening down the bay, 
bringing Washington's greetings to the allies. Owing to 
an inopportune calm, he did not reach Newport until 
midnight. Early next morning he waited on the Count 
de Rochambeau, and with him on Admiral de Ternay, on 
board his flagship. With General Heath, came Major 
Lyman, one of his official family, who spoke French well, 
and it is said, was the first American to board the French 
ships. Many of the French officers were unacquainted 
with English, and an interpreter must have often been 
needed . 

At ten o'clock of the twelfth of July, the Admiral 
saluted the town with thirteen guns, which was returned 
with a like number. The landing of the troops was now 
at once begun, as there were many sick, for whom it was 
desirable to find comfortable quarters. Scurvy was a great 
plague in the long sea voyages of the day, and it was 
seventy days since the fleet had left Brest. That evening 
the illumination took place. The principal streets had 
been ordered lighted. These were "Thames Street, Con- 
gress, (heretofore called Queen Street,) Lewis Street 
(heretofore called King Street,) Broad Street, the street 
leading over the Point bridge, and the street leading from 
the Long Wharf to the Point battery." These, in 
modern parlance are — Thames Street, Washington Square, 
Franklin Street, Broadway, Farewell Street and Washing- 
ton Street. No doubt the effect was fine. The diarist, 
Dr. Stiles, tells us that "the Whigs put thirteen Lights 
in the Windows, the Tories or doubtfuls four or six. The 
Quakers did not chuse their Lights should shine before 



31 

men, and their Windows were broken." The illumination 
was kept up until ten o'clock, and in addition thirteen 
"grand rockets" were fired from in front of the State 
House. A letter of the time speaks of the brilliant 
appearance of the French officers then on shore, and of the 
joyful feelings of every friend of Liberty on this happy 
occasion. General Heath ?ays that the reception accorded 
them gave "great pleasure and satisfaction" to the allies. 

The landing of the troops now was proceeded with. It 
took four days to bring the sick ashore. Four hundred of 
them were placed in the improvised hospitals at Newport — 
the State House, Dr. Hopkins' meeting house and various 
private houses in the town. The remaining sick, six or 
seven hundred in number, were taken to Providence or 
elsewhere. The troops were encamped to the south of 
Newport and near the cliffs. 

It was now necessary to find suitable quarters for the 
officers. The best houses in town were selected — Governor 
Wanton's, on Thames Street, Captain Maudsley's at the 
head of Franklin Street, Colonel Wanton's on the Point, 
Colonel Malbone's on Thames Street. To the Com- 
mander-in-Chief was assigned the Vernon House — surely 
an honor for the old mansion, and an indication that it was 
regarded as as comfortable and commodious a dwelling as 
any in town. Here then, Rochambeau established 
himself. Tradition points to the north parlor as the one 
used as his office, and where his desk stood. This seems 
probable, as it is more, retired in situation than the rooms 
en suite on the other side of the hall. 

With the Count came his son, Donatien-Marie-Joseph 
de Vimeur, Vicomte de Rochambeau. He bore the rank 
of Colonel in the regiment de Bourbonnais, and also acted 
as aide to his father. Rochambeau 's other aides were the 



32 

Count de Fersen, the Marquis de Damas, the Baron de 
Closeii, Count Mathieu Dumas and Rochambeau's nephew, 
Dupont de Lauberdi^re. A brilliant band of youthful 
nobles was thus gathered. All but the Vicomte de 
Rochambeau were domiciled, not in the old house, but 
near at hand, either just across the street on "New Lane" 
or on Spring Street. 

As headquarters of the general, the Vernon house now 
became the center of great activities. Councils of war 
were held, officers came and went ; deep were the con- 
sultations and important the decisions arrived at in the 
north parlor. It is no light matter to be commander-in- 
chief of six thousand men, who are in a strange country 
without occupation. The remarkable record of the French 
soldiers in Newport shows how well drilled and how well 
intentioned they were. Not a pig or chicken was com- 
mandeered, not an apple touched from the laden trees close 
to their lines, or an ear of corn taken from the corn fields. 
An interchange of courtesies characterized the intercourse 
between the American militiamen and the foreign soldiers, 
each of whom found nmch to admire in the other. Six 
days after the arrival of the French, William Vernon 
despatched his son, Samuel, then in Boston, with a letter 
of greeting to Admiral de Ternay, saying "the bearer, 
Mr. Vernon's son, will be happy in having it in his power 
of rendering Mr. de Ternay or any of his connection every 
service possible." Whether the tender of the Vernon 
house was among these services we are not informed. 

The new tenant of the mansion was in every way a most 
distinguished man. At this time fifty years of age, he had 
been governor of Vendome and of Villefranche, brigadier- 
general in the French campaigns, and recipient of the 
grand cross of St. Louis. An experienced soldier and a 




NORTH PARLOR, Traditionally Rochambeau's Office 



33 

man of solid worth, he was Lafayette's choice for the 
difficult position of commander-in-chief. In person rather 
small, keen of glance, dignified in manner, he combined 
concentration of purpose with an easy and courteous bear- 
ing, and conciliated all parties. He never hesitated to 
subordinate his own interests to the great object he had in 
view, and held back with a firm hand the hasty and 
impetuous young officers under his command. His 
character has been compared to that of Washington. 
Fortitude, endurance and equanimity were its leading 
points. Indifferent to criticism or blame, he took what 
he considered the wisest path, giving to the nation the 
ripe judgment of an experienced soldier, and to his own 
forces the example of a wise, restrained and unmoved 
leader. America owes much to him, as is universally 
recognized, and he is undoubtedly the most distinguished 
guest, bar one, that the old house has received within its 
walls. 

We may now imagine Rochambeau sitting at his desk 
in the north room, deep in the despatches whereby he kept 
in touch with his general, Washington, or stepping from 
the door, prepared for the receiving of his troops or super- 
vision of the camps. Tradition says that, when on horse 
back, he carried a large black muff, (a mark of dignity,) 
and that when he rode, a running footman scoured before 
him, dressed all in white and with plumes in his cap. 
The young officers who frequented the house were also 
birds of gay plumage. In their green coats with white 
facings, tight red breeches and high boots, silver epaulets, 
and chapeanx edged with white and sporting the tri-colored 
cockade, they must have presented a brilliant appearance. 
No wonder the hearts of the Newport maidens were 
fluttered by so much splendor, combined as it was with 
rank, youth and high spirits. 



34 



On hearing of Rochambeau's arrival, Washington at 
once despatched lyafayette to greet his friends and the 
country's allies. The young and gallant Marquis arrived 
on the 20th, nine days after the lauding and proceeded to 
headquarters, thus adding one more to the distinguished 
visitors to the Vernon house. 

On the following day there was great excitement in 
Newport, at the news of the British fleet seen in the oj65ng. 
The danger was real, as the soldiers were in poor condition 
for an attack, and the defenses were not yet fully completed. 
The fleet continued to cruise about for several days, but 
did not dare to attack the French in their strong position. 
M. Blanchard, commissary-general and diarist, dined with 
Rochanibeau on the 22nd at his quarters, and reports that 
the general publicly said that he wished the English 
would attempt it. M. Blanchard remarks that it was as 
well, under the circumstances, that no attack was made, 
but adds, "M. de Rochambeau did well to appear secure." 
"At this dinner were several Americans, all good patriots, 
and an English officer, who was a prisoner. They 
addressed some sharp words to each other" — as was not 
surprising with their very divergent views on the subject 
of that menacing fleet. 

As a matter of fact, Newport had, as narrowly as pos- 
sible, escaped a second investiture by the English. It 
had been planned to intercept the French and reach the 
harbor ahead of them, and only the steadiness of the 
admiral in keeping his course across the ocean, and 
refusing tempting offers of battle made to him, had 
prevented it. 

The day of St. Louis was the next interesting event in 
Newport. This was the "/<7«r de Van " of the King, and 
loyalty demanded a celebration from the French officers. 



35 

The ships were accordingly decorated, salutes were fired, 
and we cannot doubt that a banquet closed the joyful day, 
at which his Majesty was toasted with generous bumpers. 
This was on August 25th. On the 29th, a party of guests, 
of a sort most interesting to the strangers, was received 
in Newport. This was a band of Indian chiefs — Iroquois, 
from Canada and Northern New York. Their allegiance 
was supposed to be wavering toward the English, and it 
was deemed a stroke of policy to invite them to witness the 
good understanding between the French and the Americans. 
These children of the forest created a great impression on 
the Frenchmen, who record the painted faces, the gashed 
ears and scanty clothing of the savages: "They compli- 
mented M. de Rochambeau, who received them very kindly, 
and gave them some presents, among other things some 
red blankets," which had been bought at Brest at the 
moment of departure. Fach chief was also given a medal 
with King Louis's coronation scene thereon. "They 
dined that night with him at his quarters. I saw them at 
table for an instant," says the diarist, Blanchard. "They 
behaved themselves well there, and ate cleanly enough." 
It must have been a curious sight — the courtly French 
general in his uniform of green and silver, feasting the 
blanketed savages on sumptuous viands, the like of which 
they had never seen, and attending to their service at the 
hands of his numerous retinue of servants. The Indians 
witnessed a review of the French troops, and themselves 
entertained their hosts with a war dance, " uttering harsh 
and disagreeable cries " and reminding the Frenchmen of 
the movements of their own peasants in treading out the 
wine. After four days they departed, expressing them- 
selves as highly gratified by their entertainment. 

On the first of October, the French minister plenipoten- 



36 

tiary, le Chevalier de la Luzerne, came from Philadelphia 
to confer with Rochambeau, and was received with great 
ceremony. It was agreed to send a minister to France to 
ask for reinforcements, in view of the superior naval force 
of the British, which kept the French inactive in Newport. 
The younger Rochambeau was sent on this important 
mission. Taking advantage of a severe storm, the 
" Amazone " frigate slipped out through the blockading 
Bnglish, and reached France in safety. The Vicomte 
successfully performed his task, returning in the following 
April, with a large amount of money, and the promise of 
a fleet — this last afterwards made good with most important 
consequences. 

While the Chevalier de la Luzerne was here another 
visitor was received — Dr. Ezra Stiles, sometime pastor of 
the Congregational Church in Newport and now President 
of Yale College. He dined on the 7th of October " at 
the General's — de Rochambeau, in a splendid manner. 
There were perhaps 30 at table. I conversed with the 
General in Latin. He speaks it tolerably." This report 
would seem to indicate that Rochambeau was not especially 
conversant with the English language. Latin was often 
used in communication with the allies when a common 
language failed. 

Rochambeau now felt the need of a meeting place for 
his officers. They chafed under the enforced inaction, 
and it is probable that he thought that an assembly hall 
where they might entertain their friends and one another, 
would serve as an outlet for youthful spirits. In addition, 
the Vernon house was limited in its accommodation. It 
is difficult to conceive of thirty sitting down to dinner in 
the south-east room, then, as always, the dining room. 
The new hall could be used for banquets as well as for 



37 

dances. Towards the end of November, accordingly, 
there was built in the garden to the north of the house, 
what was long known as the "French Hall." This hall, 
traditionally square and known to have been 26 feet on 
one measure, may have been altered over into the stable 
which later stood on this site. At the extreme north-west 
corner of the lot, with a door opening to the south towards 
the Vernon house, this little structure was square and 
resembled the old house in general style, though without 
the rustication. It may well have been the "French 
Hall" adapted to later needs. It was certainly not the 
old coach house, as it had no place for carriages. 

William Vernon, writing to his son, Samuel, then at 
Newport, under date of December 5th, 1781, says, "I 
understand Gen, Rochambeau had not your leave for build- 
ing an assembly room in the garden. I can't think it 
was polite of him." General Rochambeau, however, 
while in Boston on the eighteenth of the same month, 
called to pay his respects to Mr. Vernon, quite possibly 
with the intention of explaining his action. 

The hall was completed in the new year, and "began 
to be frequented," says Blanchard, "early in January." 
During this month and February, we hear of "elegant 
balls ' ' given to the ladies of Newport by the Count de 
Deuxponts, and the handsome brothers Viomenil, baron 
and viscount. We can imagine the scene — the newly- 
built assembly room, lighted by candles in sconces, and 
surely, in January, warmed by a blazing fire, the uniformed 
musicians, the discreet dowagers, and, observed of all 
observers, the brilliant band of young noblemen in their 
gala attire of white broadcloth, turned back with pink, 
blue or green according to their corps. In minuet or 
contra dance, they lead out the gay young Newport 



38 



beauties, whose charms they so admire. Perhaps it was 
after some such entertainment that a diamond ring 
scratched on the panes of the old Vernon house the names 
of the lovely Misses Hunter, interwoven with love-knots 
and Cupid's arrows — inscriptions, now, alas! disappeared. 
The ladies of the day must also have presented an attrac- 
tive appearance in their lutestrings and brocades, their 
raised headdresses decked with the French gauzes which 
Chastellux (one of the French officers) was so surprised 
to find " in the wilds of America." 

Washington's birthday was this year celebrated for the 
first time of which we have knowledge. King Louis' 
feast day had been honored by the General at his camp, 
and the French now reciprocated. Rochambeau writes 
to Washington of " the effusion and gladness of our 
hearts" on the occasion. The celebration look place on 
February i2th, as the nth was Sunday, and the old style 
was still in use. 

The winter thus passed away quietly and without any 
change in the situation. Destouches, now in command of 
the navalgforces, sent out a portion of his squadron, a ship 
of the line and two frigates, for a dash against the enemy 
in Chesapeake Bay. They returned March 30th, after a 
successful raid, and Destouches then proposed sending out 
the rest of^his fleet for further attack ; carrying with him 
a part of the land forces. This was a very important 
move, and one Washington had much at heart. On 
Rochambeau [communicating the new plans to him, the 
Generalfseems to have somewhat hastily decided to come 
to Newport, see what was being done and have an inter- 
view again face to face with the French commander. 

Accordingly, leaving New York March 2nd, with two 
aides and' General Howe as companions, Washington 



39 

proceeded (over very bad roads) on horseback to Rhode 
Island. He reached Conanicut by way of the ferry at 
about two o'clock in the afternoon, March 6th. All 
Newport was on tiptoe with expectation. The French 
oflBcers especially were most anxious to behold their 
Commander-in-Chief, the great Washington, whose name 
inspired everywhere such respect and veneration. 

The Admiral's barge was in waiting at the Jamestown 
shore, to convey General Washington to the French flag- 
ship, the " Due de Bourgogne." Here he was received 
by all the French officers with most distinguished honors. 
Proceeding thence to the town, he landed at Long Wharf, 
and escorted by the officers, proceeded up the Parade. 
The entire body of French troops, all in new uniforms, 
was drawn up on either side of the way, three deep, as far 
as the State House, where they formed a right angle, con- 
tinuing the same formation through Clarke Street to the 
French General's quarters. Rochambeau, unbonneted, 
walked at the Chief's left, the French nobles and officers, 
chapeau bras^ followed in the rear. The firing of the 
French ships, at the moment of arrival, was tremendous; 
the solid earth trembled. Washington's honors were those 
of a Marshal of France, a position which his contempo- 
raries claimed for him, but for which there is now no 
documentary evidence. He could hardly have commanded 
all these men of high rank without some recognized 
authority from their sovereign. Perhaps the title was 
a complimentary one ; Washington disclaimed it later in 
life, yet we are told by an eye witness that he wore on this 
occasion the insignia of that rank. 

So brilliant was the scene that the populace, crowding 
roofs, windows and all points of vantage, divided their 
attention between the gallant allies and the guest of honor. 



40 

"Every Frenchman, however, had his eyes directed to 
Washington. Calm and unmoved by all the honors that 
surrounded him, the voice of adulation had never disturbed 
the equanimity of his deportment." A deep impression 
was made on the onlookers by the attitudes of the nobles, 
their deep obeisance, the lifting of hats and caps, the 
waving of standards, and the sea of pinnies. "It was a 
proud day for Newport," says one who was there and saw 
it all. Proceeding up the living lane of troops, and 
turning through Clarke Street, the brilliant company dis- 
appeared from the view of the spectators within the doors 
of the Vernon house. 

That evening the fleet was dressed with lanterns. 
Again there was an illumination in the town, the poor but 
patriotic being provided with candles as before. A 
procession was formed to go through the streets. Thirty 
boys led the way, bearing candles fixed to staves. Then 
came Washington and Rochambeau, followed by the 
officers and other citizens. It is recorded that on their 
return to headquarters, Washington, remaining on the 
steps until the other officers had gone in, personally 
thanked the boys for their escort — an honor which they 
were not likely to forget. 

That night Rochambeau entertained at supper in 
Washington's honor. Blanchard, who was present, notes 
that he marks this as a fortunate day on which he has been 
able to meet a man so truly great. The impression made 
on all the French officers was of the happiest ; they praise 
his ' ' easy and noble bearing ' ' and find in him ' ' the art 
of making himself beloved." Count Mathieu Dumas says 
of his first meeting with Washington, " We were eager to 
see the hero of Liberty. His noble bearing, the simplicity 
of his manners and his gentle gravity surpassed our 




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41 

expectations, and gained him all the French hearts." We 
may well suppose that on this joyful occasion the healths 
went round right merrily, the Americans drinking to the 
King of France, the Frenchmen to the success of the 
American cause, as their custom was. Washington's 
uniform tact and social ease must have showed to advantage 
in the brilliant company which on this night graced the 
old Vernon house ; and this occasion is perhaps the most 
noteworthy of its history, when America's greatest man 
and the noble and ardent champions of its cause met 
beneath this hospitable roof. 

It is traditional that the room where Washington slept 
was the north-west one, over the parlor, and hither we 
may imagine him marshalled with lights by the major of 
the household. The costume of this functionary has been 
preserved to us, and must have been imposing, consisting, 
as it did, of a silver fringed coat, short close jacket, pink 
shoes, and a cane with an enormous head. 

On the following morning a committee from the Town 
Council waited on Washington, and presented an address 
of welcome. They speak in the address of the '* happiness 
the town has enjoyed with the army and fleet of our 
illustrious ally, who have, by the wisdom and prudence 
of their commander, as well as their own most zealous 
inclinations, allied themselves to us not only as soldiers, 
but as friends and citizens." Washington, who never 
lost an opportunity to express his appreciation of the aid 
the French allies were extending to his country, said in his 
reply: " The conduct of the French army and fleet, of 
which the inhabitants testify so grateful and so affectionate 
a sense, at the same time that it evinces the wisdom of the 
commander and the discipline of the troops, is a new 
proof of the magnanimity of the nation. It is a further 



42 



demonstration of that generous zeal and concern for the 
happiness of America which brought them to our assist- 
ance, a happy presage of future harmony." 

On the same night, a ball was given in the " French 
Hall " in honor of the distinguished guest. It is said that 
as Washington stepped on the floor with his selected 
partner, the French officers took the instruments from the 
musicians, and played the music of the dance "A Success- 
ful Campaign" as a compliment and omen of future good. 

Washington remained in Newport until the 13th of 
March and was largely entertained. He witnessed a 
review of the troops, visited Conanicut on the Sunday and, 
it is said, had a second ball given in his honor. Doubtless 
he and Rochambeau held high conclave in the north 
parlor, settling between them the details of campaigns 
soon to take place. The day after his arrival, the fleet 
sailed, carrying with them twelve hundred and fifty men 
of the land forces, under the command of the Chevalier de 
Viomenil, Rochambeau remaining behind for the time to 
guard the stores and defenses. 

One more story of Washington seems to connect itself 
with the Vernon House. It is said that a little boy of the 
town had been very anxious to see the great general. His 
father, seeing Washington stand near an open window, 
lifted the child in his arms so that he might get a view of 
him. Much surpris'ed, the little boy exclaimed, "Why, 
father. General Washington is a man!" Washington 
heard him, and, turning, said, "Yes, my lad, and nothing 
but a man." 

On the 13th, Washington took his departure, by way of 
the Island and Bristol Ferry. He was again treated with 
the highest honors. Broad Street, far beyond "the head 
of the town " was lined with troops, the general officers 



43 

were stationed in the centre, and from Tammany Hill 
thirteen guns were fired as a salute. Rochambeau rode 
with him a part of the way, and then turned back, while 
Washington attended by other of the French officers, 
passed on, on his way to Providence. 

The fleet was, unfortunately, not altogether successful 
in its sea fight off the Chesapeake, and was obliged to 
return to Newport. This they did on the 28th of March, 
having inflicted considerable injury on the enemy. 

Early in May, young Rochambeau arrived with supplies 
of money and the promise of ships, and also with new 
orders giving his father a much more free hand in his 
campaigning. Rochambeau at once prepared for action. 
The heavy artillery here was transferred to Providence ; 
orders were issued that the troops be put in readiness for 
the field, and one more conference was held with Washing- 
ton at Wethersfield. A farewell dinner took place on the 
''Due de Bourgogne," June 7th, and on the loth, 
Rochambeau embarked his army for Providence, leaving 
only a small guard of 600 men over the stores which 
remained and the works. On August 25th, the last act 
in the drama took place, when de Barras, now in command 
of the fleet, sailed for the Chesapeake. The French 
occupation was at an end. 

Newport saw Rochambeau no more, but it may not be 
amiss to recall here something of his later career. Loaded 
with honors on his return from the American campaign, 
he was made Governor of Picardie and Artois, and later 
Marshal of France. Condemned to death under the 
Terror, he was only saved from the guillotine by the fact 
that the cart into which he was about to mount was full. 
The man in charge, said to have been one of his old 
sergeants, said to him, ''Withdraw, old Marshal, thy 



44 

turn will soon come." It never came, however, as the 
fall of Robespierre followed immediately after, and all 
the executions were stopped. Living to a good old age, 
praised by Napoleon, pensioned and an ofi&cer of the 
Legion of Honor, Rochambeau passed his last years in 
calm retirement, respected and honored by all. 

During the year that the French commander occupied 
his house, William Vernon remained in Boston. His son, 
Samuel, was, for a part of the time, at least in Newport. 
Though Mr. Vernon had allowed the use of his house, he 
seems to have been somewhat disturbed by his son's 
account of the injury done the dwelling by a "military 
family." 

Samuel Vernon, writing October, 1780, says, "I believe 
the General takes as much care of the house as the French 
men generally do, but it will sustain more damage than a 
family living in it seven years. The Floors will be 
entirely spoiled." William Vernon says in reply, 
November, 1780, " I expect they will make a great waste 
in the house, if not ruin it," and adds that he shall send 
in a bill for the damage done. This he did, and it is still 
extant. It was duly honored. It is worthy of notice that 
no rent is charged, only the cost of necessary repairs. 

" His Most Christian Majesty, To W. Vernon, Dr. 
1782 To damages sustained in his house at Newport, 
R. I., occupied by his Excellency Gen'l Rocham- 
beau, viz: Floors, Wainscot, Hangings, Paint, 
Windows, Walls, Marble Hearths, and in the 
House and Building throughout : To be made 
good by the promise of Mr. Corn6 by agreement 
450 dollars, value in L. M. ^i350-0 

To one year's rent of same 000.0.0 

Errors excepted. Lawful Money £'^35-^'^ 

Boston, 12 December, 1782. 

Wm. Vernon." 



45 

On ihe back of the paper is the following receipt : 

"Received the full consideration of the above 
account by the order of His Excellency General 
Rochambeau. 

Wm. Vernon." 

Rochambeau, his American campaigning at an end, was 
at this date on his way to Annapolis, to embark for 
France. His army, under command of the Baron de 
Viomenil, was, however, newly arrived at Boston, and it 
was this opportunity that Mr. Vernon embraced to have 
his bill honored. A few days later, the whole fleet set 
sail, to join no more in the American struggle for Liberty. 

It was fortunate that Vernon's damages were made good 
in good French livres, for by that time the Continental 
money had become only so nmch waste paper. Even in 
1780 the French had noted that "it takes sixty piastres 
to make one in silver," and by the middle of 1781, the 
currency was at 700 per cent discount ; or in other words, 
seven hundred paper dollars would buy only a dollar's 
worth of goods. We need not wonder that bundles of 
paper money of the Continental issue remained in the 
Vernon House, and remain in the possession of the descend- 
ants to this day, valuable now only as curiosities. 

William Vernon must now have thought of returning 
to his home. The Navy Board was settling up its 
accounts in this year, after much and valuable service to 
the nation. It may be presumed that His Most Christian 
Majesty's payment of 450 dollars was of great use in the 
repairs which were now actively put in progress. 

The Floors, the Hangings, the Paint and the Marble 
Hearths all evidently needed attention. We know from a 
letter of Samuel Vernon's to his father at about this time 
how they painted the house — with white lead, with a little 



46 

red mixed with it, making presumably a pinkish color. 
Sand was thrown on at the time of painting to give a rough 
appearance resembling blocks of stone. 

At this time also, Samuel conceived the idea of buying 
the lot opposite the house for a garden. There was an old 
house on it, which had been damaged by fire and was 
uninhabitable. If this were removed there would be a 
clear view to the water. His father concurring, Samuel 
purchased the lot in 1782 of Myers Fisher, gentleman, of 
Philadelphia, for 280 Spanish milled dollars. His wife, a 
Redwood, had it from her grandfather, Samuel Holmes. 
The old house was removed, and a flower garden laid out 
here, whose long straight path, with box edgings and 
flower beds on either side, is still recalled. 

In 1784 "Samuel the younger" married his cousin, 
Miss Betsy Ellery. She it was, who, as a young girl, 
received General Washington at her father's house. 
Noticing that she had a heavy cold, he mentioned that he 
knew of an efficacious though disagreeable cure. The 
young lady, of course, promised to take anything that 
General Washington should suggest, when he informed 
her that his remedy, which he "had often taken," was 
onions boiled in molasses ! Miss Betsey heroically under- 
went the treatment, and was cured. 

Samuel Vernon was, like his father, a merchant, and, 
it is to be presumed, assisted him in his affairs while 
residing with him in the Vernon house. In 1785 we find 
W^illiam Vernon in Newport again, once more prepared to 
engage in commerce, and do his share in building up the 
prosperity of the discouraged little town. It was fortunate 
that this one, at least, of our old mercantile families was 
not permanently driven away by the war, William 
Vernon was instrumental in founding the Newport Bank, 



47 

and on the death of the first president of the Redwood 
Library — Abraham Redwood — was made President in his 
stead. The old house was now newly set in order, its 
ancient furnishings once more in place, the long-buried 
silver restored to the light of day, and family life again 
going on there. 

Samuel Vernon had no less than ten children, all born 
during his father's life time, and we can imagine the halls 
again resounding to childish voices, while little feet climb 
the twisting stairs, and a large and merry company 
assembles in the cheerful dining room. So lived William 
Vernon, true type of Revolutionary patriot and man of 
probity and honor, and here he died in 1806, full of years 
and respected by all his associates, a worthy son of old 
Newport. 

Samuel Vernon, the younger, was now the head of the 
house. A solid man, as his father had been before him, 
he filled a large place in the life of the town. It is said 
that he was at one time considered the richest man in 
Newport. He owned houses and land in many parts of 
the town, the duck factory on the burying ground, and in 
addition, much property elsewhere, amounting in all to a 
very large estate. He was the President of the Newport 
Bank which had been founded by his father, and, actively 
pursuing his business, once more Vernon ships left 
Newport harbor to journey over seas, bringing home 
merchandise of many sorts — fine china, wines and silks. 

William Vernon had, as will be remembered, another 
son, William, often called William H., to distinguish him 
from his father. The H. probably stands for Harwood, 
his mother's maiden name. We left young William in 
Bordeaux, established in the house of a respectable 



48 



merchant, and engaged in learning the rudiments of busi- 
ness and mastering the French language. 

Americans were at this time very much the fashion in 
France, and young Vernon had the entree to the best society 
of the capital, through Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin. He 
found the life there very much to his taste, and it was long 
years before his native land saw him again. Handsome 
and distinguished, with fine manners, it is said that he 
was a prominent figure at the court of Louis XVI., and a 
special favorite of Marie Antoinette. His beautiful court 
suit has been preserved, and is still in the possession of 
the family. It is of peach colored silk brocade, coat and 
trousers — while the three waistcoats that belong with it, 
are of white, embroidered in the same color as the coat. 
During the terrible Revolution which followed ours, he 
was in great danger as an aristocrat, and, it is said, was 
once seized by an infuriated mob, who were on the point 
of stringing him up to the nearest lamp-post, when a 
passer-by recognized him as an American, and obtained 
his release. 

Still William Vernon lingered on, and it was not until 
after the fairest of heads had been laid on the block, and 
that brilliant society which he had so enjoyed was no 
more, did he return to his native land. This was in 1796, 
and a touching picture has been preserved to us of the long 
absent son, entering his father's house and kneeling to 
receive his blessing, which was given in true patriarchal 
style. Henceforth William Harwood Vernon resided in 
Newport. So much of a Frenchman had he become in his 
long stay abroad, and so elegant and courteous were his 
manners that he was commonly called " Count " Vernon — 
behind his back, be it said. 



49 

A story is told of a stranger who, supposing this to be 
really his title, kept addressing him as " Count " Vernon, 
"Count" Vernon. Mr. Vernon at last turned on him and 
said, " Are you a Duke or a Marquis that you give other 
people titles?" Very fond of flowers, he delighted in 
aiding his friends in their labors in this direction, showing 
them how to hybridize pinks in the French fashion, and 
vying with them in this charming occupation. He was 
for long the Secretary of the Redwood Library, but 
perhaps the most interesting thing about him is his well- 
known and, in its day, famous, collection of pictures. 

On his return from France "Count" Vernon had 
brought with him what was considered a remarkable 
collection of paintings, attributed to the first masters of 
that or any age. It is difficult to say, now that they are 
lost to sight, whether they were genuine originals in every 
case, but it is certain that in the disorganization and 
confusion of Revolution, many fine collections were broken 
up in France, and the opportunity was unrivalled for 
securing masterpieces. " Count " Vernon's own list is in 
existence of these pictures — fifty-six in number they were. 
He says that he only names those which he knows to be 
by the masters given. If his authorities were to be 
depended on, he had a most valuable collection. These 
were examples of Canaletti's work and Paolo Veronesi's ; 
pictures by Murillo and Van Dyke, while Claude Lorraine, 
Mignard and Vernet were also represented. Mr. Vernon 
exhibited a selection from these pictures during his life- 
time at the Boston Athenaeum. This was in 1830. He 
evidently felt somewhat nervous for their safety. They 
were despatched on brig "Ivory" and were insured for 
$10,000, which he said was not nearly their real value. 
The vessel being "a fast sailer, coppered to the bends. 



50 

well appointed and merely in a good set of ballast" accom- 
plished her journey successfully, and the patrons of the 
Athenaeum doubtless much enjoyed the exhibition. The 
" Saint Rock, presented by one of the Popes to the Cathe- 
dral at Thoulouse — a masterly production of a masterly 
hand," was among these, as was the "Dying Seneca" 
by Van Dyke (" the genius of the artist is in the expression 
of this painting, which follows us to our closet ") and the 
*' Laughing Boy, a picture which would honor the gallery 
of the Louvre or Florence," by Girardo della Notti. 
William H. Vernon died in 1833. His pictures were two 
years later put up at auction in Newport, and sold for 
pitifully small sums, considering the value he put upon 
them. The prices seem to have ranged, (judging by the 
catalogue, still extant, with pencilled memoranda,) from 
twenty, thirty or fifty dollars, to, in case of the Van Dyke, 
three hundred. Only one other brought so high a figure 
as this, and that was bid in by the family, as were several 
others. 

This picture listed as " A Nun, a finished piece, by 
Leonardo da Vinci," has aroused special interest of late 
years. It is a beautiful painting, nearly a perfect replica 
of the famous " Mona Lisa." In William Vernon's own 
list of his pictures, the price that he paid for them is men- 
tioned in every case, save that of the " Nun," and it is 
the cherished tradition of the family that this especial 
painting was presented to him by Marie Antoinette. It is 
certain that he had a special regard for this picture, keep- 
ing it in his own room, and, it is said, being sometimes 
found on his knees before it. The Vernon " Mona Lisa " 
was many years ago taken to the Louvre and hung beside 
the French " Mona Lisa," where it is said that the critics 
were unable to see any perceptible difference between 




THE VERNON MONA LISA 



51 

them. As is well known, there is a tradition that there 
were three '' Mona Lisa's " painted, one of them being in 
Madrid, one in the Louvre; 'the whereabouts of the third 
being unknown. It is, perhaps, too much to hope that 
this should be the lost exemplar, but it is at all events a 
fine piece of work and of especial interest, on account of 
its curious story. It is still retained in the Vernon family. 

Samuel Vernon died the year after his brother in 1834. 
His widow lived on in the old house, not dying until 1857. 

Their youngest son, Samuel Brown Vernon, now occu- 
pied the property. Born in 1802, he married in 1830, 
Sophia Peace, the daughter of a Philadelphia gentleman. 
They had five children, Joseph Peace, Thomas, Ellery, 
Anna and Elizabeth. Mr. Vernon was a most kindly, 
amiable gentleman, rather retiring and quiet. He was 
for long State Treasurer. A miniature by Inman in the 
possession of the family, shows his scholarly and thought- 
ful face and slight build. The delightful family life of 
this time is still recalled — the old house filled with 
charming, old-fashioned furniture, the delightful enter- 
tainments, the gay Virginia reels extending the length of 
the hall, the musical daughter with her piano — the picture 
is a most attractive one. The figure of Mr. Vernon, 
slender and abstracted, is remembered, pacing in the 
garden, between his rows of Indian corn, on which he 
specially prided himself, while the charming little mistress 
of the house and her sister, Mrs. Horner, sit one on either 
side of the fireplace, like two dainty Dresden china 
images. It is sad to think that the house was soon to be 
a "Vernon house" in name only. Mr. Vernon died in 
1858, only a year after bis mother. In the late sixties the 
family went abroad. It seemed probable that they would 
return no more to Newport, and in 1872 the house was 



62 

sold and the furniture scattered at an auction sale. The 
house and land were bought by Mr. Harwood E. Read. 
For a time the house stood empty or was rented. In 
1876, the estate was broken up, the Spring Street frontage 
being sold in part to Mr. Franklin, who built his brick 
bakery there. Mr. Barker's paint shop occupies the rest. 
On Clarke Street a good sized lot was sold, the site of the 
*' French Hall " and stable. The garden across the street 
was later sold to Mrs. Pell, of the old Cheseborough house 
across Mary Street. 

In 1879 and for several years the Vernon house was used 
as offices by the United States Geological Survey, under 
the direction of Mr. Raphael Pumpelly. During this time 
a " large and broad panel " was taken out over a fireplace, 
and behind it was found a curious old painting on plaster, 
three feet by three and a half. It seemed to represent a 
scene in the West Indies. There were ladies with guitars, 
a castle, and blackamoors holding horses. The frieze 
above was of passion flowers and sea shells. Paintings 
over fireplaces were not uncommon in Newport, but were 
usually hunting scenes. After the term of the Geological 
Survey, Mr. Read himself lived in the house. 

Twice again the connection of the Vernon house with 
Rochambeau is recalled. The first of these occasions is 
in 1902. Not long before this time a statue of the Count 
had been erected in Venddme, his native place. A move- 
ment was set on foot to secure a replica of this statue for 
America. It was pointed out, that, while there were six 
or seven statues of the Marquis de Lafayette in the United 
States, Rochambeau was nowhere commemorated in this 
way ; although he was the Commander-in-Chief of the 
French forces, thus typifying the official intervention of 
the King of France in American affairs. 



5S 

The suggestion was warmly taken up and a sum of 
$90,000 appropriated by Congress for the statue and the 
purchase of a site in Washington, etc. The Committee to 
whom the bill was referred, have this to say of Rocham- 
beau : "He was a great and noble man. His deeds 
deserve to be remembered by all generations of our 
countrymen, and his heroic personality ever recalled to us 
and our children, forever, in enduring bronze; for to him 
and his military ability, as well as to the brave and willing 
sons of France he commanded, in an important degree we 
owe the fact of our independence as a nation." 

The date of the unveiling of the statue was set for 
May 24th, 1902, and an invitation was extended to the 
government and people of France, and especially to the 
families of Rochambeau and Lafayette, to be present. A 
warship was sent over from France to bring prominent 
officers of the Army and Navy, and a number of other 
persons, distinguished in diplomacy, letters and art, also 
came over especially for the occasion. 

The statue is a fine one. It is of heroic size and repre- 
sents Rochambeau in the uniform of his rank. His arm is 
extended in a gesture of command. At the base of the 
statue is the bronze figure of Liberty, stepping from a boat 
as it first touches the shores of America. She grasps in 
her hand the combined colors of the two countries. 

The ceremony of unveiling the statue was a success in 
every respect, and on May 31st, the delegates, by direction 
of President Lou bet of France, proceeded to Newport, to 
lay a wreath on the tomb of de Ternay, the associate of 
Rochambeau. The foreign guests were more than twenty 
in number, and included Ren^, Comte de Rochambeau, 
the present head of the family, and a representative of the 
name of Lafayette, Comte Salume de Lafayette. On 



54 

arriving in Newport, the French delegates were escorted 
by the Artillery Company, in a route that passed the 
Vernon house, to Trinity Church. On the steps of the 
old house were a number of little boys and girls in white, 
with French flags, which they waved, shouting " Vive la 
France." The little granddaughter of Mr. Read was 
held up to the side of the carriage of the present Count de 
Rochambeau, to present him with a bouquet of white 
roses — a gift which he acknowledged with a kiss. 

Later in the day, the distinguished visitors, by their 
special request, returned to the Vernon house, and were 
shown over the house and entertained there, thus agreeably 
linking the present with the past. 

The other interesting occasion was in September, 1908, 
when a bronze tablet in memory of Rochambeau was 
affixed to the house. This tablet was presented by the 
"Alliance Francaise," a society of persons interested in 
French belles-lettres, etc. At the unveiling a notable 
company of persons was gathered. The Count de Cham- 
brun, counsellor of the French embassy at Washington 
and a lineal descendant of Lafayette, made an address, and 
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe pulled the ribbons which released 
the tricolor covering the tablet. The Newport Artillery 
fired a salute and the Training Station band played the 
Marseillaise. The Mayor of Newport, accepting the tablet 
in behalf of the citizens of the town, said : "It has been 
the custom for centuries to commemorate men of valor 
by inscriptions in bronze, as we are doing today, in order 
to perpetuate and accentuate the lives of such men. 
There is but one other way that fitting tribute may be paid 
to such a man as Count de Rochambeau, and that is the 
lasting record of gratitude, deep seated in the memories of 
those he came to aid, and, by them, transmitted a lasting 




ROCHAMBEAU TABLET ON THE 
VERNON HOUSE 



55 



acknowledgment through generation after generation. 
Rochambeau and Lafayette are enshrined in every American 
heart with Greene and Washington." 

The tablet is a medallion portrait of the Count de 
Rochambeau in green bronze, and represents him as he 
appeared when in Newport, at the age of 58. The like- 
ness was the result of much research and study on the part 
of the sculptor, M. Pierre de Feitu, a Frenchman residing 

in New York. 

The last chapter in the history of the Vernon house now 
remains to be told. In 1912, Mr. Read, for so long its 
owner, died, and the property was for sale. The Charuy 
Organization Society of Newport was very anxious to find 
a suitable home. The idea occurred to members of the 
Society that if the Vernon house could be purchased for 
this purpose, it would be most suitable for them, and also 
the means of preserving unchanged one of our finest old 
houses. An appeal was sent out to members and friends 
for a fund of ten thousand dollars. Very generous responses 
followed, from interested summer visitors, Newporters 
both here and away, and representatives of old families as 
such, of Newport and on the island. The Newport Daily 
News aided the good work by publishing the lists of dona- 
tions day by day, and in a surprisingly short time the 
object was accomplished, and the house secured for $6,500 
The heirs of Mr. Read were much interested in the pro]ect, 
and aided by kindly giving an extension of time and m 
other ways. A thorough renovation was now m order. 
The old front door and sash of the stair window were 
found in the attic and replaced ; a modern door to the south 
was taken out and a window put in its place as originally 
arranged, and all the panelliug and woodwork put in good 
order The old brass knocker is on the door, the old 



56 



lantern that long hung above the door, was presented by 
a friend. The large iron lock on the front door is from 
the old Bull house, the oldest in the State, recently 
destroyed by fire. The interior detail and finish remain 
untouched, save for needed repairs. Walls were scraped 
and painted and all woodwork painted white, while the 
floors were finished in green with the old-fashioned 
♦' spatter-dash." The small space to the east of the house 
IS planted with old-time flowers, recalling its earlier days 
as part of the garden. The second story of the house has 
been fitted up as a dwelling, while the two south rooms 
on the ground floor are arranged for othces, leaving the 
north or Washington room for occasional use. 

Thus preserved, beautified and cherished, the old house 
bids fair to delight the eyes and inspire the patriotism of 
generations yet to come. Long may it stand as a worthy 
memorial of merchant, patriot, chief and generous ally- 
its past inextricably entertwined with Newport's, its 
memories enriched with the names of Bowler, Vernon, 
Rochambeau and Washington, its present use, one digni^ 
fied and altogether worthy— the Vernon house, Newport's 
pride, an object of pilgrimage and study. 

No house could present more fully an epitome of 
Newport's history; we count ourselves fortunate in its 
preservation, and hope for it a long life of continued 
usefulness. 



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